284

HIST0EY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.

XIII.

1683 .

dwelt in another land. The whole machinery of the admini-- station had been constructed on the supposition that the Kingwould be absent, and was therefore not necessarily derangedby that flight which had, in the south of the island, dissolved allgovernment, and suspended the ordinary course of justice. Itwas only by letter that the King could, when he was at White-hall, communicate with the Council and the Parliament at Edin-burgh; and by letter he could communicate with them when hewas at Saint Germains or at Dublin. The Twenty Four weretherefore forced to propose to the Estates a resolution distinctlydeclaring that James the Seventh had by his misconduct for-feited the crown. Many writers have inferred from the languageof this resolution that sound political principles had made agreater progress in Scotland than in England. But the wholehistory of the two countries from the Restoration to the Unionproves this inference to be erroneous. The Scottish Estatesused plain language, simply because it was impossible for them,situated as they were, to use evasive language.

The person who bore the chief part in framing the resolution,and in defending it, was Sir John Dalrymple, v'ho had recentlyheld the high office of Lord Advocate, and had been an accom-plice in some of the misdeeds which he now arraigned withgreat force of reasoning and eloquence. He was strenuouslysupported by Sir James Montgomery, member for Ayrshire,a man of considerable abilities, but of loose principles, turbulenttemper, insatiable cupidity, and implacable malevolence. TheArchbishop of Glasgow and Sir George Mackenzie spoke onthe other side: but the only effect of their oratory was todeprive their party of the advantage of being able to allege thatthe Estates were under duress, and that liberty of speech hadbeen denied to the defenders of hereditary monarchy.

When the question was put, Athol, Queensberry, and someof their friends withdrew. Only five members voted against