BEFORE THE RESTORATION.
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Cromwell had to determine whether he would put to hazard c,b\v.
the attachment of his party, the attachment of his army, his--
own greatness, nay his own life, in an attempt, which wouldprobably have been vain, to save a prince whom no engage-ment could bind. With many struggles and misgivings, andprobably not without many prayers, the decision was made.Charles was left to his fate. The military saints resolved that,in defiance of the old laws of the realm, and of the almost uni-versal sentiment of the nation, the King should expiate hiscrimes with his blood. He for a time expected a death like thatof his unhappy predecessors, Edward the Second and Richardthe Second. But he was in no danger of such treason. Thosewho had him in their gripe were not midnight stabbers. Whatthey did they did in order that it might be a spectacle toheaven and earth, and that it might be held in everlasting re-membrance. They enjoyed keenly the very scandal whichthey gave. That the ancient constitution and the publicopinion of England were directly opposed to regicide maderegicide seem strangely fascinating to a party bent on effectinga complete political and social revolution. In order to ac-complish their purpose, it was necessary that they should firstbreak in pieces every part of the machinery of the govern-ment; and this necessity was rather agreeable than painful tothem. The Commons passed a vote tending to accommodationwith the King. The soldiers excluded the majority by force.
The Lords unanimously rejected the proposition that the Kingshould be brought to trial. Their house was instantly closed.
No court, known to the law, would take on itself the office ofjudging the fountain of justice. A revolutionary tribunal wascreated. That tribunal pronounced Charles a tyrant, a traitor,a murderer, and a public enemy; and his head was severed His ™-from his shoulders before thousands of spectators, in front ofthe banqueting hall of his own palace.
In no long time it became manifest that those political and